By Deanna Spingola
22 December 2008
Against the initial concerns of President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill, Stimson, enriched by Wall Street corporatism, would later insist on proper judicial proceedings against a minimal number of Germany’s top war criminals. Stimson and the War Department outlined the original proposals for an International Tribunal, which Truman, the incoming president, obediently backed. The results of those proposals ultimately led to the Nuremberg Trials of 1945-46, which would affect the development of International Law, a means of establishing a world authority to ultimately supersede all national authorities. 
Prior to Pearl Harbor, Tokyo sent daily bomb-plots, cabled from its Honolulu consulate, to the attack fleet using JN-25 radio messages, a very old code. Roosevelt also received Japan’s JN-25 messages. Yet, the U.S. government still refuses to release any of those JN-25 messages because it would reveal that both Roosevelt and Churchill monitored the Japanese attack fleet all the way from Japan to Pearl Harbor. 
According to testimony at the International Military Tribunal for the Far East (IMTFE), Hirohito, dressed in full military uniform, also monitored all radio transmissions from Admiral Yamamoto’s flagship during the night of December 7-8, 1941.  Unfortunately, those who perished weren’t privy to any information or warnings. After the war, Hirohito was portrayed as a peace lover who was kept completely ignorant of all warfare decisions and activities -- feigning ignorance and/or incompetence are oft-used political ploys.
Predictably, Japan’s attack on Pearl Harbor impacted the American Pacific Fleet of 19 warships, which either sank or were severely damaged. Additionally, 340 naval and army aircraft were either destroyed or critically disabled. Fortuitously, Roosevelt had sent all of the newer ships previously stationed at Pearl Harbor to the Atlantic. Only the old WWI junk remained in the harbor. In his testimony to Congress, Admiral Bloch said: “The Japanese only destroyed a lot of old hardware. In a sense they did us a favor.”  Of course, the greatest travesty was the senseless slaughter of over 2400 individuals serving in the military.
History books omit details about the second Japanese assault against the U.S. It occurred in the far-away Philippines. This victorious assault established Japan’s dominance in the Asian Pacific and facilitated their plundering conquest of Southeast Asia, the scheme that the Japanese oligarchy and the American-friendly British bankers first planned in 1902 when Japan agreed to be “the Crown’s policeman in Asia.” 
The Philippine Department Air Force, under General Douglas MacArthur’s direct command had been organized on September 20, 1941. Despite numerous direct and indirect warnings about Japanese intentions, the Allies claimed that Japan would not attack the Philippines until the spring of 1942. So in preparation for that possibility, George C. Marshall, Army Chief of Staff from 1939 to 1945, dispatched a significant number of aircraft to the Philippines, situated just 500 miles from the Japanese airbases on Formosa.
MacArthur's headquarters had received word of the Pearl Harbor attack at 2:30 a.m. on December 8, 1941 and should have been militarily prepared and vigilant. MacArthur radar-tracked the progress of the Japanese planes as they approached the Philippines. He acknowledged them at 140 miles out, 100 miles out, 80 miles out, 60 miles out, all the way down to 20 miles away from their target. Then he gave an order to respond. It was, of course, too late.  Are repetitive belated military responses evidence of incompetence, or collusion? Similarly, on 9/11, Flight 77, without air traffic control communication and with its transponder deliberately turned off, flew unimpeded towards a Washington “no fly” zone for 45 minutes without a single defensive maneuver – and similar to Pearl Harbor - after the twin towers had been hit. Apparently some kind of stand down order was in place as Vice President Dick Cheney was asked repeatedly by a young man if the order still stood as the plane continued to approach the Pentagon on September 11, 2001, as given in Norman Mineta’s testimony before the 9/11 Commission cover-up.
The attack on the Philippines occurred ten hours after the attack on Pearl Harbor – on December 8, 1941 at 12:35 p.m. when 196 Japanese Navy bombers struck the U.S. air bases at Clark and Iba Fields, and effectively crippled the Far East Air Force (FEAF) of the U.S. Army Air Force, consisting of 35 Boeing four-engine B-17 bombers and 91 Warhawk fighters, the largest force outside of the U.S. Clark Field also lost the use of its radar units - those that MacArthur had used and apparently ignored. 
MacArthur's reaction to his entire air force being destroyed was an anomaly to say the least. He sequestered himself in his room and refused to talk with anyone, even Major General Lewis H. Brereton, the air commander. This might be akin to flying aimlessly around the country, as Bush did on 9/11. Additionally, MacArthur, despite orders, had refused to attack Japan’s airbases on Formosa. Perhaps he received orders from another source at the War Department. Rather, he had given conflicting orders that guaranteed that the planes would remain on the ground all morning. After the Japanese air strike, Admiral Thomas Hart withdrew his defensive Asiatic Fleet, except for its non-combat submarines.
Author Gordon W. Prange stated: “Strategically, the destruction of half of all U.S. heavy bombers in the world was more important than naval damage in Pearl Harbor. Either MacArthur had committed the greatest blunder in military history or he was under orders to allow his forces to be destroyed. If it were the greatest blunder in history, it is remarkable that he escaped any reprimand, kept his command and got his fourth star and Congressional Medal of Honor shortly afterwards. How could the President ensure a successful Japanese attack unless he confided in the commanders and persuaded them to allow the enemy to proceed unhindered?” 
According to the pre-war Plan Orange, initialized on December 24, 1941, when the Japanese landed, MacArthur was to use five delaying positions in Central Luzon, the largest island while some of his forces, those from military headquarters and the Philippine government safely withdrew to Bataan. He sent General Parker of the South Luzon Force to Bataan to prepare defensive positions. MacArthur’s remaining forces would remain and oppose the Japanese on the beach and then depart for Bataan to await reinforcements. Plan Orange, although prepared years before, had been thoroughly reviewed and left unchanged. The land invasion occurred on December 22, 1941, two weeks after Pearl Harbor.  On Christmas Eve, General MacArthur, his staff, President Quezon and Vice President Osmeña escaped from Manila to the Malinta Tunnel on the fortified island of Corregidor which became the seat of government of the Commonwealth of the Philippines. The gold reserves from the treasury and the gold bullion from the Benguet mines were transferred to the Malinta Tunnel, Corregidor’s large secure complex.
On January 2, 1942 the Japanese entered Manila. Major General Jonathan Wainwright’s men could have prevented Japan's invading General Homma Masaharu from advancing to Manila but their old and defective World War I Enfield rifles failed and they were forced to flee. Filipino and U.S. forces outnumbered the Japanese invaders by three to two. Numerical superiority was insignificant because they were poorly trained and inadequately equipped. The U.S. had planned to increase armaments but only 20% of their artillery requirements were met. To save Manila from utter destruction, it had been declared an open city. Wainwright and his men, according to Plan Orange, withdrew from Manila to Bataan. Ultimately, there would be over 100,000 refugees on Bataan. Unfortunately, MacArthur had failed to make adequate logistical preparations in Bataan. Most of the food and other supplies had been left on the beaches and were consequently lost – possibly to opportunists who would soon sell their booty in the fast-growing black market. On Bataan, the war-weary, starving, embattled 26th Cavalry eventually had to shoot and eat their horses. 
General MacArthur regularly relied on staff officers and stayed as far away from the enemy as possible. On January 9, 1942, MacArthur, safe and secure on Corregidor, boarded a PT boat and made his first and only visit back to the peninsula.  U.S. troop reinforcements and supplies, as per Plan Orange, were on their way across the Pacific but were inexplicably recalled by Roosevelt. Purportedly, the need for food and men in Europe was more urgent and important than the needs of the men serving in the Philippines. Was that just poor planning or something more sinister? The loss of reinforcements was a death knell for troops who had been fighting for nine long weeks.
The Filipinos took advantage of the chaos in Manila and were killing each other – settling old scores and eliminating enemies. Rape, robbery and looting were widespread. Ferdinand Marcos, who was serving on the U.S. side, took this opportunity to eliminate the man who had testified against him when Marcos had murdered his stepfather’s political opponent. Marcos had been exonerated by his biological father, Judge Chua, and thereby escaped incarceration; the same judge, regarded locally as Marcos’ godfather, also paid his way through law school.  The economy of Luzon was a disaster. Crops were seized; people were starving. Gangs roamed the streets. Currency was worthless and people paid gemstones or gold for whatever food they could find on the opportunistic black market, a devious way of acquiring any remaining valuables from desperate people. Homes, factories and warehouses were abandoned. 
On March 11, 1942, MacArthur, his inner circle, Quezon and Osmeña left Corregidor, the island in the entrance of the Philippines’ Manila Bay, the best natural harbor in the Far East. They went to the Del Monte pineapple plantation in Mindanao and left the Philippines via the corporate airstrip destined for Australia. Quezon continued on to the U.S. where he died. Vice President Osmeña became president in exile. For ballast, MacArthur had 20 tons of gold loaded on the U.S. submarine that was leaving for Australia where Roosevelt had assigned him Supreme Allied Commander South West Pacific Area. It is unknown whether this gold was the property of the Philippine government or private property. Manuel Roxas, the man who would later become president, remained in the Philippines to sink the remaining gold reserves in Manila Bay to prevent the Japanese from seizing them. 
MacArthur left behind a huge military fiasco, vowing to return. The 20,000 exhausted soldiers remaining in the Philippines were starving, merely existing on one third of a ration per day. Wainwright stayed with the troops and took control on March 23, 1942. As many as 8,000 Filipino and 2,000 Americans perished from malaria, starvation, beatings and executions during the infamous Bataan Death March to Camp O’Donnell. 
Instead of a reprimand, and because of a good public relations staff, MacArthur played the hero and was given the Medal of Honor because Roosevelt needed a war hero to win public support for the war. Predictably, five months after Pearl Harbor, Japan dominated all of Southeast Asia with its abundant resources. Against all U.S. military regulations, and concealed until 1979, MacArthur accepted a half million dollars from President Manuel L. Quezon for defending the Philippines.  Apparently, even ineffectual efforts have their rewards. Arthur MacArthur, Jr. and Douglas MacArthur were the first father and son to ever be awarded a Medal of Honor.
In October 1944, a Navy and Army Court deliberated possible foreknowledge and culpability surrounding the Pearl Harbor attack. Between November 27 and December 6, 1941, officials in the State, War and Navy Departments had received numerous pieces of information giving specific information about the imminent Japanese attack. The courts found Washington guilty of not acting on information that caused the avoidable slaughter of over 2400 individuals. When the verdict was revealed, Army Chief of Staff General George C. Marshall, guilty as charged, offered his resignation which of course was rejected by the powers that be. The verdict apparently was overshadowed by other newsworthy issues. Marshall asserted, under oath, that he considered loyalty to his chief (who functioned under the direction of the international bankers) more imperative than loyalty to his country. 
Marshall, a member of the secretive pro-war Pilgrim Society, would continue to serve the Power Elite as Secretary of State from January 21, 1947 to January 20, 1949, during which time he and Under Secretary of State, Dean Acheson (1945-1947; CFR, Pilgrim Society, Scroll and Key Society), promoted the U.S. taxpayer-financed Marshall Plan to Aid Europe, devised by the Committee for Economic Development (CED), a Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) economic counterpart. Corporate attorney/government official Henry Stimson sat on the executive board of the CED. The Marshall Plan would effectively transfer nearly $100 billion in current dollars to Europe under humanitarian claims – its stated purpose was to provide American jobs, feed the hungry, blah, blah, blah. It would be administered by banker/government official, Averill Harriman (CFR, Pilgrim Society, and Skull & Bones). 
Marshall’s misplaced, self-serving loyalty is apparently still shared today by numerous individuals who persistently demonstrate incompetence or faulty judgment and/or intelligence, all at the taxpayer’s expense.
Click here for part -----> 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19
 The Rape of Nanking : An Undeniable History in Photographs by Shi Young and James Yin, Innovative Publishing Group, Chicago, 1997, pg. pg. 282
 Descent into Slavery by Des Griffin, Emissary Publications, Clackamas, Oregon, 2001, pgs. 190-199
 December 8, 1941: MacArthur's Pearl Harbor by William H. Bartsch, Texas A&M University Press, 2003
 The Marcos Dynasty by Sterling Seagrave, Harper and Rowe, New York, 1988, pgs. 71- 74
 Ibid, pgs. 77-79
 Ibid, pgs. 71- 74
 Ibid, pgs. 84-85
 Ibid, pgs. 77-83
 Ibid, pgs. 77-83
 The Yamamoto Dynasty, the Secret History of Japan’s Imperial Family by Sterling and Peggy Seagrave, Broadway Books, New York, 1999, pgs. 181-192
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